“Newspapers, TV channels in Brahmaputra Valley spread communal hatred, insult Bengalis every day,” Atin Das, ex-editor of Jugashanka

By barakbulletin On October 12, 2018 - 5:49 pm

In 1964, he joined journalism for a salary of Rs. 20 per month. He was a meticulous student and could have easily got a job with much higher remuneration, “If not journalism, I would have opened a bookstore,” shares the former editor of Jugashanka, columnist and author Atin Das. He further tells us that his family used to get scared whenever he left the house with the pen, “O toh mathe maara jaabe” is what his family used to feel about him.

Throughout his career, Das retained his flamboyance. He is known for calling a spade a spade. He came under tremendous verbal attack after writing in favour of Subodh Biswas. But such attacks did not bother him, “They told me we want a death sentence for Subodh Biswas. I told them to go and plead a death sentence for me also,” he tells us. In an era when journalists all across the country fear giving out personal details, Das signs his columns with his phone number to receive feedback from readers.

In an exclusive interview with Barak Bulletin, Das shares his observation on the change of journalism, NRC, the difference in the mindset of journalists in Bramhaputra Valley and Barak Valley. Here are the edited excerpts:

You are one of the stalwarts when it comes to journalism in Barak Valley. What according to you is the current state of journalism in the region?

To explain the current state of journalism in Barak Valley, we need to have a look at the history. Following the footsteps of The Bengal Gazette in Kolkata, journalism started in Surma Valley in 1860 and in Silchar, it started in 1882. If you look at the Kolkata centric journalism, journalists from Sylhet area were widely popular. Gauri Shankar Tarkalankar used to write for Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s newspaper. Bipin Chandra Paul also started as a journalist from Sylhet. So, the Barak Valley which was earlier a part of Surma Valley has a bright and proud history of journalism.

Is the present as bright as the past?

Journalism was a mission before independence and people risked their lives and volunteered in journalism. Post independence, journalism, which was a mission turned into a profession. The newspaper organisations which were means of information for the mass turned out to be businesses running for profits. Anandabazaar Patrika is a big institution when it comes to Bengali journalism, the owners of Anandabazaar publicly calls itself an instrument of entertainment. We entertain people and in return, we make money is what the messaging is all about. Coming back to Barak Valley, it is indeed a matter of pride that there are two-three daily broadsheets sustaining in the market. Having said so, it’s tough to say if people always get what they want from these newspapers.

Is there a big difference between a journalist on a mission and the one for whom it is a profession. How does it affect journalism as a whole?

See a journalist was the go-to person for people in trouble- this dealer is not distributing ration properly, let us inform journalists about the dealer. Or, this officer is taking a bribe, let us inform journalists about it. Such was the mentality of people before. Now, it has changed. When journalism turned into a business, journalists lost that value, that respect, that trust. I was the editor of Dainik Jugashanka, the biggest publication in this region, and I had a distinguished identity of myself too. Yet, one day, someone came to my cabin and asked me, ‘I read this news in your paper is the news true?’ The other day a story was about to be published but it did not appear. I asked a fellow journalist what happened and he gave me some excuse. I replied to him saying I know, nowadays, not publishing something is more profitable than publishing. This is something that’s happening all around the country and also in Barak Valley.

Nowadays, it is often a face-off between publications from Barak Valley and Bhramaputra Valley. How will you define the two mindsets?

The mindset of Barak Valley can be defined as colonial, while that of Brahmaputra Valley would be imperial. What I mean to say is, the journalists of Brahmaputra Valley feel whatever we do is right, whereas the ones in Barak Valley feel what if they get angry. The newspapers in Assam are playing the role that Statesman and other British ran institutions used to play in the pre-independence era. Just watch any TV channel or read a newspaper from Brahmaputra Valley, you will see they are spreading communal hatred, demeaning Bengalis every day. But, if anyone writes anything here, for example, Tapadhir Bhattacharjee wrote a piece based on facts and history, and he was taken to court. People in Barak Valley are scared of posting something on Facebook. After Subodh Biswas was arrested, I wrote a piece. Whenever I write something, I put my phone number with the article for feedback. I received a flurry of calls after the article was published. Some accused me of supporting a man, who conspired against the Assamese community. They wanted a death sentence for him. Having said so, it is not true that papers in Barak Valley are not writing about NRC.

Since you mentioned about NRC, what is your observation on whatever is happening?

I first wrote about NRC in 2015. I mentioned NRC as a pre-planned Bengali harassment project. I had also written that it is not National Register of Citizens but it is actually Assamese Register of Citizens and a list of Assamese is being prepared. Back then, I had also mentioned that if an NRC is supposed to be prepared then it should be prepared on the basis of the latest voters list and not the 15 documents that the Assam government proposed. Voters list is a document formed on the basis of the constitution. The returning officer signs it on the behalf of the President of India. Therefore, there cannot be a more accurate, conclusive and latest document than a voters list. On the basis of this voter list, people went and voted and elected Tarun Gogoi as the Chief Minister and even Narendra Modi as the Prime Minister. So, the voters’ list needs to be honoured. And the ones who have their names should automatically get enrolled in the NRC, is what I proposed back then. I still stand on that. If you consider the ones in the voters list illegal, you will have to consider the State and Central governments to be illegal too.

From 15 documents it has become 10 now. What is your point of view about Hajela?

This is politics happening in name of NRC. They want to eliminate a few names from the voters’ list and they are doing all this only for that. I was talking in a seminar and I mentioned that whatever Pratik Hajela is doing, we have immense doubt on the sanctity of his deeds and decisions. The first draft published on December 31, 2017, was a part of NRC published following Supreme Court directive. And then from January 1, 2018, Hajela changed the rules. Now my question is, how can you change the rule when the game is on? So, for the first half of a football match, it was one rule, second half, the rules changed. How is it even possible? The officials from Assam and Delhi, present in the convention had no answers.

What is the way ahead, what would you suggest?

The officials from Delhi and Guwahati also asked me the same question. I suggested to them that since NRC is all about politics, the ones who are genuine immigrants, who crossed the border illegally, will not be a part of the electoral politics. So you don’t give them the right to vote. But you cannot take away their right to live or any other fundamental rights. You cannot push anyone to Bangladesh, as they will never welcome a single citizen.

There are rumours that you were once on the Left of centre, and now your thought process have moved towards the right. Is it true, why this change?

Yes, I was into Left politics and I had volunteered to be a revolutionary. Then we realised that revolution is not possible in India. I moved out when we realised that the revolutionary parties are hypocrites and thieves, who stole away our hard work and youth. Ones who wore the bandana of revolution during the day went and played politics to be a minister at night. They chased the luxury when cadres like us were shouting our lungs out raising slogans. Many brilliant young minds were ruined. However, when I realised that it is the parliament that all of them want, I decided to step out of party politics. I have had a close relationship with everyone. I was very close to Santosh Mohan Dev, yet Kabindra Purkayastha, Bimalangshu Roy often visited my house.

You recently wrote about Hindus in Bangladesh. What is their future in your opinion?

I got a call from Barishaal. They told me we will come to Silchar during this Puja, only to visit you. In no Muslim majority country, the minority can live peacefully. So the future of Hindus in Bangladesh completely depends on the government of India. When Bangladesh got liberated, 22% Hindus lived in Bangladesh, now it has dropped down to 9%. Hindu or Muslim doesn’t matter Bengali is one, is a hypothesis which is practically impossible. So to answer your question, Hindus in Bangladesh have no future until the Government of India takes strict action.

Please note: The interaction was done in Bengali and this English version is a translation based on our interpretation and not his exact words.